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HomeOpinionBetween Promises and Practice: A Zimbabwean Story of Corruption Under NDS2 (2026–2030)

Between Promises and Practice: A Zimbabwean Story of Corruption Under NDS2 (2026–2030)

Kombi

By Takunda Mandura

On a commuter omnibus driver slips a folded US dollar note into a police officer’s hand. There is no argument, no raised voice. The exchange is quiet, rehearsed, and efficient. Traffic flows again. This is a familiar picture for every commuter on almost a daily basis. For the driver, it is the cost of doing business. For the passenger watching from the back seat, it is just another reminder that in Zimbabwe, corruption is not an event. It is routine.

The National Bribe Payers Index (NBPI) 2025 by Transparency International Zimbabwe, which surveyed 1590 Zimbabweans, puts numbers to this everyday experience.

A majority of respondents (56%) said bribery had strongly increased over the past three years, while 30% reported a moderate increase. Only 8% believed corruption levels had remained unchanged.

The country walks into the National Development Strategy 2 (NDS2) period, covering 2026 to 2030. On paper, NDS2 is confident and assertive. It promises an uncompromising fight against corruption through a Whole-of-Government and Society approach, strengthened institutions, anti-corruption courts, whistleblower protection, asset recovery, and digitalised public services. But on the ground, the lived reality captured by the National Bribe Payers Index (NBPI) tells a more sobering story.

The everyday face of corruption

For many Zimbabweans, corruption begins at the point of service. The NBPI shows that bribery is most prevalent in policing, vehicle inspection, local authorities, health services, and education. These are not luxury services. These are essentials.

A mother seeking treatment at a public hospital may be asked to “facilitate” faster attention. A motorist at the Vehicle Inspection Department knows the unwritten rules. A job seeker learns quickly that merit is often secondary to connections or payments. The NBPI notes that most bribes range between US$1–20 and US$20–100, placing them firmly in the category of petty corruption, but their impact is anything but petty.

NDS2 speaks of strengthening service delivery through decentralisation and e-government systems to reduce human discretion and corruption opportunities. The logic is sound. But digitisation without accountability risks automating corruption rather than eliminating it.

When corruption becomes “normal”

The most worrying finding in the NBPI is not the frequency of bribery, but how people think about it. The report notes that many citizens now view corruption as “normal” and doubt that reporting it will lead to action. Fear of retaliation, lack of whistleblower protection, and mistrust in institutions all contribute to silence.

This matters because NDS2 explicitly prioritises the enactment of whistleblower protection legislation and the strengthening of anti-corruption courts. Yet Zimbabwe has heard these promises before. Without visible enforcement, laws become symbolic gestures.

Sextortion and silent abuses

One of the most disturbing insights in the NBPI is the prevalence of non-monetary bribes, particularly sextortion, the abuse of authority in exchange for sexual favours. 57 per cent of respondents said sextortion is a very common form of bribery, especially in recruitment, promotions, political parties, and higher education institutions.

NDS2 speaks broadly about ethical conduct and zero tolerance for corruption. When corruption intersects with gender, power, and vulnerability, generic solutions fall short.

Procurement: where development money leaks

If corruption is a daily inconvenience for citizens, it is a structural threat in procurement. The allegations of kickbacks, inflated contracts, and corrupt practices in outsourced public services, including health and municipal services. Citizens often cannot tell whether a service is delivered by government or private contractors, yet public money is still at stake.

NDS2 commits to strengthening public procurement systems and expanding online portals for access to procurement and budget information. This is necessary, but blurred accountability in public–private partnerships creates fertile ground for corruption if oversight is weak.

Institutions under pressure

NDS2 places heavy responsibility on institutions such as the Zimbabwe Republic Police, Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC), the National Prosecuting Authority, Parliament, and the Office of the Auditor-General. Repeated findings from Auditor-General reports are not acted upon, and politically exposed persons continue to exert influence over institutions.

What must change between 2026 and 2030

If NDS2 is to mark a real break from the past, three shifts are unavoidable.

First, whistleblower legislation enactment. Every day without whistleblower protection is another day corruption wins. Anonymous reporting systems, legal safeguards, and swift follow-up on cases are essential as fear and futility currently silence citizens.

Second, asset recovery must become routine. NDS2 prioritises forfeiture of illicit wealth and international cooperation to recover stolen assets. Zimbabweans need to see this happen consistently. Jail sentences alone do not deter corruption when stolen wealth remains untouched.

Third, citizens must be treated as partners. Social accountability, community monitoring, and protection of investigative journalism are not threats to the state; they are safeguards for development.

The verdict will be lived, not written.

By 2030, Zimbabweans will not judge NDS2 by its chapters or indicators. They will judge it by small moments: whether a bribe is demanded at a clinic, whether a job is earned on merit, whether a corrupt official is punished without favour.

Takunda Mandura is the Communications and Advocacy Officer for Transparency International Zimbabwe. He writes in his personal capacity.

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